Tourism normally develops in a confined territorial area where diverse organisations shall have to congregate efforts in order to enhance its potentiality. This industry tends to be described as encompassing a large number of small independent companies free from any conglomerate. Even those who do not consider being tourist-dependent shall act in a manner that will shape its development since they are part and parcel of the socioeconomic dimension of the tourism destination image.The various perceptions of social and economic benefits linked to tourism may be influenced by the degree of “the residents’ tourist education”. If one takes the tourism destination as a global product it finds lots of supplementary links, diverse sectors and multiple interlinks between public and private, which originate a multi-fragmented supply. Unless we establish common values and norms, we cannot find enough sustainability to become a desirable and visible destination, so there is a need to integrate all these structuring elements capable of generating interlinks in a harmonious and compatible manner. Therefore, we must have large numbers of intervening parties in a tourism network since it will hell reinforce the image. Many a study has proven that community’s involvement in planning and developing are critical factors for such tourism destination sustainability. Indeed...

O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico...

Nesta dissertação analisamos as dinâmicas de ação coletiva dos grupos negros na Colômbia, desde a abolição da escravidão a meados do século XIX até a Colômbia contemporânea. Este foco sócio-histórico tem como objetivo observar as mudanças nas oportunidades políticas que permitem, ou não, a ação coletiva de um grupo social. Na medida em que as oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado são favoráveis para a mobilização, nos interessamos em compreender as estratégias de mobilização e os recursos usados pelos ativistas, assim como as alianças e a especialização do ativismo. A dinâmica da organização do Movimento Afro-Colombiano mudou na ultima década do século XX, quando promulgada a nova Constituição Política nacional e mais uma vez na primeira década do século XXI, quando a população negra colombiana se torna alvo do conflito armado que vive o país.; In this dissertation we analyze the dynamics of collective action of Colombian black groups, since the abolition of slave trade in 1851, until contemporary Colombia. This sociohistorical focus has the intuition to observe how changes in political opportunities aloud collective action of a social group. In so far as political opportunities given by the State are positive for mobilization...

Participation in collective action is frequently studied through a community-based analysis, with focus on the social features of the participants and on the ecological features of the managed system. This study addresses the importance of scaling down to household level to understand different individual incentives to collaborate (or not) as well as scaling up to the landscape level to evaluate the ecological outcome of the local forms of collective action. A study of a riparian community of 33 households in the Lower Amazon located between two distinct ecosystems -a privately owned upland forest and a communally owned floodplain- reveals that household-based analysis uncovers how heterogeneity within the community leads to different incentives for participation in the communal floodplain, while systemic analysis reveals that interconnection between the managed ecosystem and adjacent ecosystem influences the decisions to participate as well as the ecological outcomes of the collective actions.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise a été rédigé dans l’objectif d’explorer une inégalité. Une inégalité dans les pratiques liées à la saisie et l’exploitation des données utilisateur dans la sphère des technologies et services Web, plus particulièrement dans la sphère des GIS (Geographic Information Systems). En 2014, de nombreuses entreprises exploitent les données de leurs utilisateurs afin d’améliorer leurs services ou générer du revenu publicitaire. Du côté de la sphère publique et gouvernementale, ce changement n’a pas été effectué. Ainsi, les gouvernements fédéraux et municipaux sont démunis de données qui permettraient d’améliorer les infrastructures et services publics. Des villes à travers le monde essayent d’améliorer leurs services et de devenir « intelligentes » mais sont dépourvues de ressources et de savoir faire pour assurer une transition respectueuse de la vie privée et des souhaits des citadins. Comment une ville peut-elle créer des jeux de données géo-référencés sans enfreindre les droits des citadins ? Dans l’objectif de répondre à ces interrogations, nous avons réalisé une étude comparative entre l’utilisation d’OpenStreetMap (OSM) et de Google Maps (GM). Grâce à une série d’entretiens avec des utilisateurs de GM et d’OSM...

Broad consensus exists that the ability of political actors to make credible commitments is key to development. An important and little-explored determinant of the credibility of political commitments is the existence of organizations that facilitate citizen collective action to sanction political actors who renege. This paper focuses on one essential organization, the political party. Three measures of political parties are used to assess cross-country differences in the degree to which politicians facilitate the ability of citizens to act in their collective interest. Each of these measures is associated with superior development outcomes, above and beyond the effects of competitive elections. These results have implications for understanding the extraordinary economic success of some East Asian countries and notable lags among others: East Asian non-democracies exhibit more institutionalized ruling parties than other non-democracies, while East Asian democracies exhibit equally or less institutionalized parties. The evidence suggests that greater research and policy emphasis be placed on the organizational characteristics of countries that allow citizens to hold leaders accountable.

This paper tries to uncover some of the hidden factors behind poor public service delivery in the Dominican Republic. By looking at three sector cases, education, health and electricity, it is possible to observe that in this setting of low quality of public services the "middle class" is opting out from the system and adopting private solutions to collective problems. The combination of this opting out behavior with low levels of institutional trust, especially among "middle class" members, fragmented interests and clientelism, among other factors, results in weak collective action and lack of effective demand for improvements in service provision. Some of the tentative policy options to break this sub-optimal equilibrium are i) to build capacity in civil society organizations and help them forming a pro-reform coalition, ii) reduce the gap between the middle class and the poorer by trying to improve the provision of public goods and enlarging the welfare state, and (iii) increase transparency mechanisms and introduce e-government formulas in order to optimize the allocation of public resources.

Most economists think of common property as physical-a body of water, a forest-and as bounded within geographic space. In this paper, building on work in social theory, the author argues that common property can also be social-defined within symbolic space. People can be bound by well-defined symbolic agglomerations that have characteristics similar to common property. He calls these "symbolic public goods" (SPGs) and make the case that such constructs are central to understanding collective action. He illustrates the point by contrasting how conceptions of nationalism in Indonesia and India created SPGs that resulted in very different strategies of local development. Indonesia emphasized collective action by the poor that resulted in a form of regressive taxation, enforced by the ideology of svadaya gotong royong (community self-help) that was both internalized and coercively enforced. India emphasized democratic decentralization through the panchayat system driven by the Gandhian ideology of gram swaraj (self-reliant villages). This has resulted in an unusual equity-efficiency tradeoff. Indonesia has delivered public services much more efficiently than India did, but at the cost of democratic freedoms and voice. The author argues that the challenge for these countries is not to undermine their existing SPGs but to build on them. Indonesia should retain the spirit of svadaya gotong royong but channel it in an equitable and democratic direction...

Most analyses of conflict assume that conflicting groups act in a unitary fashion. This assumption is often violated: to reduce their risk of replacement, group leaders prevent both group members and soldiers from acting collectively, making it difficult for leaders to make credible commitments to them. Lifting the assumption that groups are unitary shifts the analysis of a wide range of conflict issues. The effects of income shocks and rents on conflict risk become contingent on collective action. Leader decisions regarding collective action explain the forcible recruitment of child soldiers and predation on civilians: leaders who prefer to limit military organization are more likely to pursue these tactics. Leader decisions regarding collective action also introduce an unexplored mechanism by which state capacity is created and a specific reason to regard state capacity as endogenous to conflict risk. This focus, finally, suggests that interventions to reduce conflict risk, such as safety net payments or service delivery...

Collective action in the form of a boycott or a campaign or any other threat that affects the operations of a firm is considered an instrument in the hands of organizations and consumers to control firm behaviour and to apply pressure on firms to behave in a socially responsible manner. This paper adds to existing literature on collective action in the context of CSR by looking at firms’ incentives to signal their true technology through the choice of CSR in order to avoid collective action of a higher magnitude than that corresponding to their true type of technology. It is shown that collective action does not always succeed to provide incentives to firms to engage in CSR and finds conditions for collective action to be successful.

We present a model of collective action in a heterogenous population of egoists and conditional cooperators. Each player is uncertain about the cooperative inclinations of the other player. A government or principal who has information about the distribution of types may introduce sanctions for defection. We study the impact of such sanctions through the e¤ect on the beliefs of the players about the distribution of types they are facing. It is shown that in equilibrium sanctions can crowd out trust between agents by sending a signal that there are many egoists around. This can lead the government to set low sanctions to induce trust and 'crowd in' cooperation. In cases where conditional cooperation is an important factor in collective action, as is the case in tax compliance, the model provides a rationale for the low observed sanctions in the real world.

Reproductive genetic technologies (RGTs) allow parents to decide whether their future children will have or lack certain genetic predispositions. A popular model that has been proposed for regulating access to RGTs is the 'genetic supermarket'. In the genetic supermarket, parents are free to make decisions about which genes to select for their children with little state interference. One possible consequence of the genetic supermarket is that collective action problems will arise: if rational individuals use the genetic supermarket in isolation from one another, this may have a negative effect on society as a whole, including future generations. In this article we argue that RGTs targeting height, innate immunity, and certain cognitive traits could lead to collective action problems. We then discuss whether this risk could in principle justify state intervention in the genetic supermarket. We argue that there is a plausible prima facie case for the view that such state intervention would be justified and respond to a number of arguments that might be adduced against that view.; Chris Gyngell would like to thank the Australian NationalUniversity and the Australian Government for their funding. ThomasDouglas would like to thank the Uehiro Foundation on Ethics andEducation and the Wellcome Trust (grant numbers WT087211 and100705/Z/12/Z) for their funding.

The authors develop an evaluation method that combines qualitative evidence with quantitative survey data analyzed with propensity score methods on matched samples to study the impact of a participatory community-driven social fund on preference targeting, collective action, and community decision-making. The data come from a case study of five pairs of communities in Jamaica where one community in the pair has received funds from the Jamaica social investment fund (JSIF) while the other has not-but has been picked to match the funded community in its social and economic characteristics. The qualitative data reveal that the social fund process is elite-driven and decision-making tends to be dominated by a small group of motivated individuals. But by the end of the project there was broad-based satisfaction with the outcome. The quantitative data from 500 households mirror these findings by showing that ex-ante the social fund does not address the expressed needs of the majority of individuals in the majority of communities. By the end of the construction process...

The ability of citizens to act collectively plays a central role in major debates in the political economy of development, including the causes and consequences of democratization and clientelism. This essay uses two lines of research to underscore the importance of explicitly introducing the organization of collective action into these debates. Exhaustive research on the management of open access resources demonstrates that citizens' ability to act collectively depends on non-trivial organizational arrangements that allow leaders to sanction free-riding and allow members to replace leaders if they shirk. Other research demonstrates wide variability in the organization of political parties. In countries where political parties do not have these two organizational characteristics, public policies are less friendly to economic development. This evidence suggests that in future research on democracy, state-building and development, citizen organization should be a central object of analysis.

A study of three user groups in India suggests that such groups rarely perform as expected. The note is based on such study, which comprised the performance of 100 community user groups, involved in the collective management of natural resources in three Bank-supported projects in the country. Two aspects of performance were evaluated: groups achievement, and group functioning. Among the issues analyzed were member perceptions of group's achievement of formal, and member objectives, participation in different group activities, realization of benefits, group transparency, and, internal accountability. Despite the hierarchical, social context, distribution of benefits was not biased toward any social, or economic group. However, women played almost no role in group affairs - regardless of their caste or class. In all three cases, members knew very little about group governance, and, regardless of awareness, accountability mechanisms were rarely - if ever - applied. The note emphasizes that low transparency can destroy a group's ability to promote cooperation...

Dilemmas of natural resources governance have been a central concern for scholars, policy makers and users. Major debates occur over the implications of property rights for common resources management. After the Mexican Revolution (1910-1917), land was distributed mainly as Ejidos conceived as a hereditary but unalienable collective form of property. In 1992, a new Agrarian Law was decreed that allows individual ownership by removing various restrictions over the transfer of land. Scholars have examined the reform mainly focusing on land-tenure changes and environmental fragmentation. This study examines how the new ownership regime is affecting collective decision making in ejidos located in a tropical dry forest (TDF) ecosystem. Information on decision making processes before and after the 1992 reform was gathered through 52 interviews conducted in four ejidos selected along a gradient including agricultural, cattle raising and TDF use. The new individualized land property system reduced collective action in ejidos but not triggered it. Collective action responses to the 1992 reform were buffered by self-organization each ejido already had. Heterogeneous users who shared a short history and showed little understanding of TDF and low dependence on its resources seemed to explain why ejidos have not been able to share a sense of community that would shape the construction of institutions for the collective management of forest resources. However...

O artigo examina as possibilidades de análise das ações coletivas de jovens, particularmente aquelas que derivam de práticas culturais, no interior de uma perspectiva que procura resgatar orientações do pensamento sociológico brasileiro que recusa uma segmentação estanque dos campos de estudo. A partir de balanço realizado da produção discente na Pós-Graduação nas Ciências Sociais, Educação e Serviço Social, é possível delinear novos desafios para a pesquisa sobre jovens e suas práticas coletivas. Um conjunto de estudos realizados a partir de meados dos anos 1990 oferece um quadro importante das manifestações derivadas dos denominados grupos de estilos e culturas juvenis, sobretudo no campo da música. Darks, punks, rappers foram os principais estilos investigados e, em menor escala, a cultura funk. A compreensão adensada das presenças diversificadas dos jovens nos espaços públicos em seus coletivos remete a uma necessária trans-versalidade que demanda não desconsiderar na análise outras dimensões da experiência juvenil. As transformações decorrentes da intensa expansão dos sistemas de ensino nas últimas décadas no Brasil, as novas configurações do mundo do trabalho e as significativas formas de apropriação do espaço urbano que articula novas formas de sociabilidade são aspectos importantes a serem considerados nas análises das denominadas culturas juvenis e suas formas de ação coletiva.; This article examines the possibilities of analyzing collective action by young people...

Formation of voluntary collective action provides a synergy whereby communities can accomplish environmental management improvement. To study this formative process, I asked four research questions:. How does group learning happen and how is it distributed among individuals in a collective?. How does voluntary collective action form, particularly around environmental issues?. What is the relationship between these first two questions?. What themes emerge that might inform communities or environmental managers who wish to promote voluntary collective action in communities?To answer these questions, I conducted a five-year case study of one community during which I observed the teaching and learning process and the formation of voluntary collective action arrangements. Data include over 5000 emails, minutes from 135 community meetings, observations of meetings and community gatherings, documents (bylaws, policies, guidelines, covenants), and 46 personal interviews with community members. I describe the community learning process through four characteristics: a setting in everyday life; a shared and constructed perspective among learners; a context where process is more important than product; and roles that are non-hierarchal and flexible. I propose the term co-facilitated community learning for this learning process...

This article focuses on the collective action as a category of analysis and a controversial phenomenon in the contemporary society. It uses basis in the history and sociological theory, from concepts of social action, social class, and the nature of the tense report between individual and society.; Este artículo hace una reflexión sobre la acción colectiva comprendida como una categoría de análisis y como un fenómeno presente en la sociedad contemporánea de manera controvertida. Se vale de fundamentos que le dan apoyo en la historia y en la teoría sociológica a partir de conceptos como la acción social, clases sociales y la tensa naturaleza de la relación entre individuo y sociedad.; Este artigo reflete sobre a ação coletiva como uma categoria de análise e um fenômeno presente na sociedade contemporânea de modo controverso. Vale-se de fundamentos que lhe dão raízes na história e na teoria sociológica, a partir de conceitos de ação social, classes sociais e a natureza tensa da relação indivíduo e sociedade.

Distancing itself from the formal models that have served as an axis for studies of collective action and social movements, this article seeks to reinstate the lived dimension of political engagement. Basing itself on the ethnographic analysis of a set of neighbourhoods in Greater Buenos Aires, it explores the multiple and heterogeneous ways in which people become involved in the so-called movimentos piqueteros. It indicates that these experiences become intelligible through their inscription in a wider plot of relations and possibilities. Starting from a figurational perspective, the text discusses some of the assumptions of the literature on piquetero organization, in particular, and social movements more generally; it questions that dichotomy between material reason and politico-moral reason through which the question of the motivations of collective action have been addressed; it is mistrustful of a rigid opposition between the State and social movements, pointing to the creative - and not merely co-optive - character of state policies; and, finally, it proposes to sociologize the locus of the "the pleasure of doing" in the origin and continuity of political engagement.