A Constituição Federal de 1988 inovou ao trazer um artigo (4o) especificamente dedicado a estabelecer os princípios das relações internacionais do Brasil. Esta tese situa essa inovação no contexto da evolução constitucional brasileira, examina se os atos praticados pelo Poder Executivo no exercício da competência para conduzir as relações internacionais podem ser submetidos ao controle jurisdicional e, finalmente, avalia como um dos princípios do art. 4o o da prevalência dos direitos humanos poderia ser utilizado como parâmetro para aferição de constitucionalidade, buscando identificar que exigências ele impõe ao Estado brasileiro em sua atuação externa. Com base na investigação da jurisprudência local e estrangeira, demonstra-se que a judicialização de questões internacionais é um processo já em curso, mas que, na ausência de uma definição mais clara do papel que cabe ao Judiciário no campo das relações internacionais, esse Poder tem reagido de forma incerta e pouco consistente às demandas que lhe são apresentadas. Nesse contexto, são identificados os principais obstáculos jurídicos geralmente oferecidos ao controle jurisdicional dos atos de relações internacionais no Brasil para, em seguida...

This article consists of a critical review of Anne-Marie Slaughter’s works claiming for an interdisciplinary approach between International Law and International Relations. Slaughter has been identified internationally as one of the protagonists in this academic debate, and her work was appointed as one of the most influential in the academy of the United States of America in the twentieth century. In times of an increasing integration of IR academics and those from the law field in Brazil, we aim at contributing with a better contextualization Slaughter’s work in the US academy. The main objective of this paper is thus to encourage a historical and contextual mapping of the call for interdisciplinary debate between International Law and International Relations, from the works of one of its pivots in the US academy.

This report was inspired by a personal motivation to acquire more in depth knowledge about Brazil and Lusophone (Portuguese speaking) African nations and how they interact with each other in relation to their common colonial histories, cultures, and on matters of international relations, international development, and international trade. The countries selected for purpose and focus of this report are Brazil, Angola, and Mozambique; reference will also be made with respect to other Lusophone African countries such as Cabo Verde, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé e Príncipe. Some of the research methodologies used to gather information about Brazil, Angola, Mozambique, and other Lusophone African nations in relation to their respective histories, international relations, international trade relations, and roles in the global economy as emerging market nations.

The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports...

According to International Relations (IR) orthodoxy, the story of three Great Debates accounts for the most important theoretical developments in the discipline. Over the last decade, critical historiographers have established that the story of a First Debate, which tells of a struggle between idealism and realism between the 1920s and 1940s, is a misleading caricature of early academic international thought. This article adds to this critical literature by tracing the manner in which the story of a First Debate became a part of disciplinary orthodoxy between the 1950s and 1980s. Our analysis reveals that a myth of a First Debate was produced when more recent scholars detached the concept of a struggle between idealism and realism from both the unique historical milieu in which this dichotomy was conceived, and the rhetorical purposes for which it was employed. We use these findings to make the case for a contextual approach to disciplinary historiography, and to illuminate the historical contingency of contemporary notions of scholarly purpose in IR.; no

A first-generation of feminist scholarship on international relations challenged the implicitly gendered foundations of mainstream IR, including its masculine conceptual bias and state-centricity and the reliance on positivist ways of knowing. These feminist theoretical challenges cleared the path for new thinking and for the development of distinctly gendered approaches to international relations. A second generation of feminist IR scholarship is now emerging, in which empirical research is strengthening and expanding on those earlier theoretical advances. Here, I explore these second-generation efforts to combine gendered theory with close empirical study of global/local processes. These efforts offer a number of lessons for how we might conduct our future scholarship. By showing—not telling—how gender is relevant to global politics, the insights from these studies can build upon one another in impressive ways. As such, they promise to speak to major concerns of feminist and ‘mainstream’ IR scholars alike.; yes

A number of recent developments have prompted a revival of interest in liberal theories of international relations, among them the spread of democratic institutions, economic liberalisation and the increasing significance of international institutions in many aspects of life. This paper argues that liberal international relations theory, overimpressed by developments such as these, risks becoming an apologia for a narrow version of liberalism currently promoted by Western governments. The challenge of rethinking the meaning of liberalism in a ‘globalising’ world characterised by extreme economic inequality, social upheavals and the reassertion of cultural differences—and the questions whether and how liberal values can at all be realised in such a world—have been left to political theorists, whose struggles with these issues attract little interest in an international relations discipline still largely committed to the idea of a purely empirical social science. The paper suggests that a different, ‘critical’ conception of liberalism offers a way of relating pressing liberal normative concerns to empirical research, instead of seeking to keep the two entirely separate. It presents a critique of current liberal international relations theory and outlines an alternative approach.; yes

How order is understood has been a central preoccupation of international relations theory. Within the Western imagination, order, banishing chaos, emerged from the Scientific Revolution and the Enlightenment as a knowable and calculable concept. Order became a known entity; it is the rational world. The irrational, that which didn’t fit into neat delineations, was to be shunned. The resultant scientific method came to represent a reductionist, linear, and predictable outlook. Although it subsequently stepped down from its positivist heights, this Newtonian paradigm continues to inform (whether in opposition or in support) theory construction within social sciences, and, by extension, international relations theory. However, for over a century the sciences, divorced from the social sciences, have moved beyond this paradigm, with considerable attention being directed to the non-linear sciences. From this family of new sciences, complexity theory, drawing on and displacing chaos theory, has emerged over the last two decades as a genuine paradigmatic alternative. This thesis argues that the incorporation of complexity theory at the meta-theoretical levels offers the opportunity to reconsider ontological and epistemological assumptions within the study of global politics. In detailing the presuppositions that best capture a complexity worldview...

This study examines and analyzes the development of the relations between the Political Islam movements, on the one hand, and the foreign or regional and international environments, with the west in particular, on the other hand. In another words, it examines the concept and the practice of the Political Islam Movements and International Relations. It puts the movements’ and the environments’ visions, agendas and policies since the 1940s up till now into perspective. The paper deals with many aspects such as, challenges to the efficiency of the Political Islam movements in the international arena, the attributes of the Political Islam, and the theoretical approach to International relation incorporated into the political Islam movements’ framework. This paper is confined to the study of the contemporary Political Islam movements, specifically the Sunni Arab one. This movement is mainly represented by the Muslim Brotherhood and its different partisan forms across the Arab world. It is also represented by those movements which dissented and severed any relations they once had with the Brotherhood despite the similar vision they share.

Is it possible to talk about the rise of a new global (dis)order founded on the challenges posed by environmental issues? Through the review of the state of the art on the subject, this article analyzes the growing importance of the environment, and natural resources in particular, in international relations; and aims to raise awareness among International Relations scholars to the potential positive impact of the development of the discipline in integration with global environmental change studies.

This thesis argues that, instead of being regarded as a threat to the study of international relations, theoretical pluralism should be taken seriously and fostered as the only possible basis upon which the study of international politics can be undertaken. The relationship between the idea of consensus and international relations is examined, and the conclusion made that international relations is a "dubious discipline".; Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1998; Errata pasted onto front end-paper.; Bibliography: leaves 271-298.; x, 298 leaves ; 30 cm.; Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.

This paper attempts to provide a new framework of analysis for understanding China’s international relations. It argues that “traditional” conceptions of international relations, based on “statist” and “realist” methodology, do not capture the dynamics of China’s international relations in an era of globalisation. Rather, we need to consider the analytical tools of international political economy as a means of breaking down the barriers between the domestic and the international, and between politics and economics. At the same time as enriching the study of China, such an approach can also enrich the discipline of international political economy, by breaking away from the OECD-centric nature of much research in the field.; no

A presente dissertação tem por objeto o Estado e o papel desta instituição nas relações internacionais. Buscaremos comparar criticamente a concepção de Estado utilizada por Hans Morgenthau, autor consagrado pioneiro da teoria realista das relações internacionais, com a teoria de Estado marxista sistematizada por Nicos Poulantzas em Poder Político e Classes Sociais (1968). A particularidade deste trabalho reside em identificar o conceito de Estado utilizado pelo realismo, visto que esta corrente preconiza a centralidade desta categoria aos estudos de relações internacionais sem se ocupar em defini-lo claramente. Defenderemos o conceito marxista de Estado e outro conjunto de problemas para a teoria das relações internacionais. Para Morgenthau, o Estado é o representante do ?interesse nacional?, cuja legitimação está baseada na defesa e segurança do território, frente aos demais Estados e no equilíbrio de justiça entre os grupos de interesse. Concomitantemente, afirma que somente alguns indivíduos estão aptos a representar o Estado na cena internacional. O marxismo entende que o discurso de Morgenthau está confinado na superfície do fenômeno estudado; que Morgenthau toma o Estado pelo que esse diz ser, e não...

The goal of this paper is examine the recent literature on the intersection between philosophical pragmatism and International Relations (IR), including IR theory and IR research methodology. One of the obstacles to motivating pragmatist IR theories and research methodologies, I contend, is the difficulty of defining pragmatism, particularly whether there is a need for a more generic definition of pragmatism or one narrowly tailored to the goals of IR theorists and researchers. Even though philosophical pragmatism does not fit nicely into any of the traditional theoretic frameworks in International Relations, I sketch of a philosophically-inspired pragmatist IR theory based on the writings of John Dewey and Richard Rorty. On the topic of IR research methodology, I show how the cross-pollination of philosophical pragmatism and IR research methods has benefited immensely from the contributions of several leading IR pragmatists, and there are hopeful signs that the relationship can be further enriched.; Este artículo examina la literatura reciente sobre la intersección entre pragmatismo filosófico y relaciones internacionales (RI), incluyendo la teoría y la metodología de investigación de las RI. Se sostiene que uno de los obstáculos que motivan las teorías y metodologías pragmatistas de las RI es la dificultad de definir el pragmatismo...

The purpose of this article is to assess the possibility of building a joint discipline between Law and International Relations. Initially, we highlight the dilemmas and challenges of an eventual interdisciplinary fusion. We next consider the possibilities and prospects of a dialogue between the two areas. At the end, we investigate the method applied to the study of Law and International Relations. We found that epistemological and methodological obstacles prevent a complete integration between Law and International Relations. However, in order to investigate the influence of international norms on the behavior of international actors, a new empirical field for International Law is being uncovered, from the application of Social Sciences’ methods and the revision of international relations theory. We should not seek a general theory of International Law and International Relations, but a collaborative research agenda, based on a common vocabulary between the two disciplines.; A finalidade deste artigo é avaliar a possibilidade da construção de uma disciplina conjunta entre o Direito e as Relações Internacionais. Inicialmente, destacamos os dilemas e os desafios de uma eventual fusão interdisciplinar. A seguir, consideramos as possibilidades e perspectivas de um diálogo entre as duas áreas. Ao final...

International Relations (IR) has an ‘orthodox set’ of benchmark dates by which much of its research and teaching is organized: 1500, 1648, 1919, 1945 and 1989. This article argues that IR scholars need to question the ways in which these orthodox dates serve as internal and external points of reference, think more critically about how benchmark dates are established, and generate a revised set of benchmark dates that better reflects macro-historical international dynamics. The first part of the article questions the appropriateness of the orthodox set of benchmark dates as ways of framing the discipline’s self-understanding. Sections two and three look at what counts as a benchmark date, and why. We systematise benchmark dates drawn from mainstream IR theories (realism, liberalism, constructivism/English School and sociological approaches) and then aggregate their criteria. Part four of the article uses this exercise to construct a revised set of benchmark dates which can widen the discipline’s theoretical and historical scope. We outline a way of ranking benchmark dates and suggest a means of assessing recent candidates for benchmark status. Overall, the article delivers two main benefits: first, an improved heuristic by which to think critically about foundational dates in the discipline; second...

Over the past few years Vendulka Kubálková and Albert Cruickshank have produced a substantial and wide-ranging oeuvre on the issue of Marxism and international relations. Their first work, Marxism–Leninism and Theory of International Relations, published in. 1980, stressed the importance of engagement between these two bodies of thought, and this theme is restated in a more composed manner in their later Marxism and International Relations. The themes of these books have been reiterated in article forms and most recently in their essay “The ‘New Cold War’ in ‘critical International Relations studies’” (in the July 1986 number of this Review). There is much that is disputable in their writings and their recent essay on the new cold war is no exception: but, before turning to some debatable aspects of their interpretation of the debate on the New Cold War, it may be worth emphasizing the points of more general value in their work.

The 'long nineteenth century' (1776–1914) was a period of political, economic, military and cultural revolutions that re-forged both domestic and international societies. Neither existing international histories nor international relations texts sufficiently register the scale and impact of this 'global transformation', yet it is the consequences of these multiple revolutions that provide the material and ideational foundations of modern international relations. Global modernity reconstituted the mode of power that underpinned international order and opened a power gap between those who harnessed the revolutions of modernity and those who were denied access to them. This gap dominated international relations for two centuries and is only now being closed. By taking the global transformation as the starting point for international relations, this book repositions the roots of the discipline and establishes a new way of both understanding and teaching the relationship between world history and international relations.

On one level, history is used by all parts of the International Relations (IR) discipline. But lurking beneath the surface of IR’s approach to history lies a well-entrenched binary. Whereas mainstream positions use history as a means to fill in their theoretical frames (seeing history as a kind of ‘scripture’ of abstract lessons), many post-positivists reduce history to a pick-and-mix of contingent hiccups (a ‘butterfly’ of what-ifs and maybes). Interestingly enough, this binary is one reproduced throughout the social sciences. As such, there is a bigger story to the apparently ‘eternal divide’ between history and social science than first meets the eye. This article uses the various ways in which history is used — and abused — in IR to probe more deeply into the relationship between history and social science as a whole. This exploration reveals four frameworks, two drawn from history (context and narrative) and two drawn from social science (eventfulness and ideal-typification) which illustrate the necessary co-implication of the two enterprises. The article employs these tools as a means of re-imagining the relationship between history and social science (including IR), conceiving this as a single intellectual journey in which both are permanently in view.

This thesis tries to demonstrate that psychoanalytic principles, primarily those developed by Sigmund Freud, can be extrapolated from the individual to the collective level-of-analysis in order to formulate a paradigm of international relations. The first part illustrates that structural concepts of Freudian psychoanalysis provide a model of human psychology by which traditions of international political thinking, both Western and non-Western, can be compared and analysed; it is argued that the 'id-ego-superego' model provides a trans-cultural and trans-historical representation of political philosophy. Similarly, although Freud's writing on political and social themes did not examine the political philosophies of either Western or non-Western traditions in any depth, nor elaborate a theory of international relations, his analyses of political and social affairs, while limited, would seem to have applied his individual models of human psychology to analyse relations between group actors such as states, even though he did not make this explicit. Nonetheless, this thesis extrapolates psychoanalytic principles to the level of state and non-state groupings in order to develop a psychoanalytic theory of international relations based on four main themes: first...